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옐렌 총재, '최근 금융시장과 美경제전망' 연설(원문)

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President's Speech

Speech to Town Hall – Los Angeles
Los Angeles, California
By Janet L. Yellen, President and CEO, Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco
For delivery October 9, 2007, 12:40 PM Pacific, 3:40 Eastern

Recent Financial Developments and the U.S. Economic Outlook 1

Good afternoon. I’m honored by the invitation to speak to you today, and I’m especially pleased to have the chance to visit Los Angeles, where, as you may know, our Reserve Bank has a major branch. This is such an important metropolitan area, both for the District and for the nation, that I particularly welcome the opportunity to exchange views with you about local and national economic conditions, and I’m looking forward to a lively question-and-answer session following my remarks.

I would like to focus on recent developments in financial markets. I will discuss their impact on the prospects for the U.S. economy, and offer my perspective on the policy actions that the Fed has taken to address them, including steps to improve liquidity in financial markets and also the decision of the Federal Open Market Committee, several weeks ago, to ease the stance of monetary policy by reducing the federal funds rate by 50 basis points. Before I continue, I want to emphasize that these remarks reflect my own personal views and not necessarily those of the Federal Open Market Committee.

Let me begin with the financial markets and review some of the recent developments I consider to be relevant in evaluating the prospects for the economy going forward. Beginning in mid-July, global financial markets became highly volatile and increasingly averse to risk. In the U.S., perhaps the most dramatic illustration of the ensuing flight to safety was the decline in the three-month Treasury bill rate, which dipped by almost 2 percentage points between mid-July and August 20th.

Dramatically wider yield spreads on credit default swaps, which provide insurance against default on the underlying securities, are further evidence of increased risk aversion in financial markets. Indeed, wider spreads became evident for a host of underlying instruments, from mortgages to corporate bonds, with lower-rated instruments seeing especially big increases in spreads. At the same time, options-based implied volatilities on a range of assets, from equities to foreign exchange, increased markedly, reflecting heightened uncertainty about the future. Treasury bill rates partially rebounded from their lows in August, and credit default spreads abated somewhat, but risk aversion remains notably high. This same turbulence has hit markets abroad, where risk spreads and implied volatilities are up, and there has been a significant flight to safety.

Borrowing costs facing households and firms directly influence their spending decisions and aggregate demand and, for this reason, they are of particular relevance to monetary policy. On the corporate side, prime borrowers have experienced little net change in their borrowing costs because higher spreads have been offset by lower Treasury rates, which, have been influenced both by the flight to safety and, of course, by actual and expected Fed action to cut the funds rate. Issuers of low-grade corporate bonds with greater credit risk, in contrast, face moderately higher borrowing costs.

The mortgage market has been the epicenter of the financial shock, and, not surprisingly, greater aversion to risk has been particularly apparent there, with spreads above Treasuries increasing for mortgages of all types. Although borrowing rates for low-risk conforming mortgages have actually decreased, other mortgage rates have risen, including those available to some borrowers with high credit ratings. In particular, rates on jumbo mortgages, both fixed- and adjustable-rate, have risen since mid-July.

Subprime mortgages—which have been a major trouble spot—have become difficult to get at any rate. And that reflects another sign of the increased caution of market participants, specifically, more restricted credit terms and availability. In the mortgage market, lenders have tightened credit standards, making nonprime and jumbo mortgages available to fewer borrowers. For example, mortgage lenders report raising FICO scores and lowering allowable loan-to-value ratios in many mortgage loan programs, and many subprime programs have been shut down altogether.

Moreover, some markets have been experiencing illiquidity; in other words, the markets themselves are not functioning efficiently, or may not be functioning much at all. I am referring particularly to the markets for securitized assets, such as mortgage-backed securities, and that for asset-backed commercial paper. This illiquidity has become an enormous problem for companies that specialize in originating mortgages and then bundling them to sell as securities. The markets for selling these securities have all but dried up, except for the lowest-risk, “conforming” agency mortgages that can be sold to Freddie Mac and Fannie Mae. The asset-backed commercial paper market is where many firms, including financial institutions, get short-term funding. With liquidity problems in the markets in which many mortgage companies both sell assets and borrow, these firms have faced serious challenges, and a few have gone out of business.

Depository institutions also have faced some illiquidity, specifically in term interbank funding markets—those for maturities in the one- to six-month range—as banks sought to conserve their liquidity. A concern that has added to the illiquidity of these markets is that mortgages and other assets that are normally securitized may come back onto banks’ balance sheets and that customers may draw on unsecured credit lines. Although liquidity in these markets has improved since mid-September, they remain impaired.

Many of the liquidity problems afflicting banks and other financial market participants are gradually being resolved, but it’s not clear that all markets will return to “business as usual,” as defined by conditions in the first half of this year, even after that occurs. For one thing, many of the structured credit products that became so widely used may prove to be too complex to be viable going forward, and this would more or less permanently reduce the quantity of credit available to some risky borrowers. Moreover, as I mentioned, if financial intermediation that was routinely conducted via asset securitization and off-balance sheet financing vehicles ultimately migrates back onto the books of the banks, borrowing spreads and lending terms are likely to remain tighter given current limitations on bank capital and the higher costs of conducting intermediation through the banking sector. Most importantly, the recent widening of spreads appears to reflect a return to more realistic pricing of risk throughout the economy. This development may be positive for the long run, but it will be contractionary in the short run.

To assess how financial conditions relevant to aggregate demand have changed, we must consider not only credit markets but also the markets for equity and foreign exchange. These markets have hardly been immune to recent financial turbulence, but the changes since mid-July are, on balance, less dramatic. Broad equity indices have been very volatile, but, on the whole, they are little changed since mid-July. As for the dollar, it has declined on a trade-weighted basis, but only moderately.

The Fed has three main responsibilities that pertain to these developments: promoting financial stability to help financial markets function in an orderly way, supervising and regulating banks and bank holding companies to ensure the safety and soundness of the banking system, and conducting monetary policy to achieve its congressionally mandated goals of price stability and maximum sustainable output and employment.

With regard to its responsibilities for financial market stability, the Fed took a number of steps to help restore liquidity in the financial markets. One step in the second week of August involved a sizable injection of reserves to prevent the federal funds rate from rising above its 5¼ percent target in the face of huge demands for short-term, liquid funds. In addition, on August 17 the Fed announced a cut in the discount rate of 50 basis points, which narrowed the spread with the target federal funds rate. The announcement also indicated that term loans would be made available for periods up to 30 days, renewable by the borrower. Furthermore, the Fed made clear that asset-backed commercial paper, which had become highly illiquid, is acceptable as collateral for discount window borrowing. These efforts to encourage the use of the discount window were designed to promote the restoration of orderly conditions in financial markets by providing depositories with greater assurance about the cost and availability of funding. While helpful, these actions have not, however, served as a panacea.

In its role as a supervisor and regulator of banks, the Fed has long focused on insuring that banks hold adequate capital and that they carefully monitor and manage risks. As a consequence, the strong capital positions of banks should be helpful to them in weathering the financial turmoil. The Fed is carefully monitoring the impact of recent financial developments on the banking system and on core institutions involved in the payments system. Importantly, the Fed’s supervisory role has facilitated the collection of timely and reliable information on developments in banking and capital markets, and the insights gained through this process have been critical in shaping the Fed’s response in recent weeks.

For the conduct of monetary policy, the main question is how financial developments and other economic factors are likely to affect the outlook for the U.S. economy and the risks to that outlook. The reason this is the main question is that monetary policy’s unswerving focus should be on pursuing the Fed’s congressionally mandated goals of price stability and full employment.

This brings me to the issue of “moral hazard,” a topic that has been much discussed since the recent financial turbulence began. A concern that is frequently expressed is that an easing of the stance of monetary policy could end up shielding investors who misjudged fundamentals or incorrectly assessed risks from losses and thereby lead them to take inappropriate risks in the future because they think the Fed will act to cushion the consequences of their decisions. I have two responses to this concern. First, the Fed’s policy response will not prevent a repricing of risk from occurring and investors who misjudged risks will surely suffer losses even if monetary policy is successful in keeping the economy on track. Second, I don’t believe that the Fed should stand aside as a financial shock threatens to derail the economy, because that would run the risk of many innocent people being hurt by the loss of jobs and economic well-being. So I believe that, in conducting monetary policy, the Fed should retain a clear focus on how financial market developments are likely to affect employment, output, and inflation and not be concerned with who wins and who loses in financial markets.

With those principles in mind, let me briefly review recent economic developments. The U.S. economy turned in a fairly good performance in the first half of the year. Growth in the first quarter was weak, but it picked up to a robust pace in the second quarter. Overall, it appears that the economy turned in a reasonably good performance in the third quarter as well. Output growth appears to have been pretty solid even though growth in payroll employment in the private sector slowed noticeably in August and September to only 52,000 jobs on average from an average of 111,000 jobs over the prior six months. Recent data on personal consumption expenditures have been robust. Manufacturing output and orders for core capital goods have been upbeat, and business investment in equipment and software promises to be a bright spot. Despite the hike in borrowing costs for higher-risk corporate borrowers and the illiquidity in markets for collateralized loan obligations, it appears that financing for capital spending for most firms remains readily available on terms that have been little affected by the recent financial turmoil.

That said, most of these data are too early to reflect the effects of the financial turmoil, and those effects are more likely to show up in data for the current quarter. Indeed, the financial shock seems likely to intensify an already steep downturn in housing. As I noted, mortgage interest rates have risen and these increases seem likely to exert some negative impact on this sector. More important, in my view, are the potential effects stemming from disruptions to the availability of credit and the tightening of mortgage lending standards that are occurring. The illiquidity in many segments of the market for mortgage-backed securities seems likely to limit credit flows and therefore to have at least some negative effect on real residential construction, depending on how long the disruptions persist. A key point is that, even as liquidity in mortgage-backed securities markets improves, the risk spreads incorporated in mortgage rates will likely remain higher on a long-term basis than they have been in recent years, and this could prolong the adjustment in the housing sector.

Indeed, forward-looking indicators of conditions in housing markets were pointing lower even before the financial market turmoil began. Housing permits and sales were trending down. Inventories of unsold new homes remained at very high levels, and they will need to be worked off before construction can begin to rebound. Finally, most measures of house prices at the national level fell moderately. Notably, despite these declines, the ratio of house prices to rents—a kind of price-dividend ratio for housing—remains quite high by historical standards, suggesting that further price declines may be needed to bring housing markets into balance. This perspective is reinforced by futures markets for house prices, which expect further declines in a number of metropolitan areas this year. The downturn in house prices would likely be intensified by a simultaneous decline in employment, should that occur, since significant job loss would weaken demand for housing and raise foreclosures.

Here in California, the rise and fall of house prices has been much like the nation’s, only more so. In 2004 and 2005, many homeowners gleefully watched the meter tick up and up and up on their house values. But since then, things have changed dramatically. The pace of home sales has slowed substantially, and virtually every metropolitan area in California has seen much larger downward swings in the pace of house price appreciation than the nation. In fact, the majority of them have recorded outright declines in average house prices over the past year. As I’m sure you know, these developments have hit close to home here in Southern California, where the once hot housing markets have cooled considerably.

California also has played a significant role in the problems with subprime mortgages that have swept the nation. This state used to have one of the lowest subprime delinquency rates in the U.S., but more recently it has seen them increase dramatically, so that now California ranks about in the middle of the states on this scale. Moreover, within the state, the various regions exemplify a wide range of experiences with problem loans. By one measure of delinquencies on all types of mortgages, three metro areas—the Inland Empire and Merced and Stockton in the Central Valley—are in the top ten in the entire U.S. In contrast, here in the Los Angeles-Long Beach area, delinquency rates are running at about the middle of the pack among metro areas for the country.

Now let me return to the national economy. Beyond the housing sector’s direct impact on GDP growth, a significant issue is its impact on personal consumption expenditures, which have been the main engine of growth in recent years. Indeed, data on consumption spending in the last few months have continued to show strength. The nature and extent of the linkages between housing and consumer spending, however, are a topic of debate among economists. Some believe that these linkages run mainly through total wealth, of which housing wealth is a part. Others argue that house prices affect consumer spending by changing the value of mortgage equity. Less equity, for example, reduces the quantity of funds available for credit-constrained consumers to borrow through home equity loans or to withdraw through refinancing. The key point is that, according to both theories, a drop in house prices is likely to restrain consumer spending to some extent, and this view is backed up by empirical research on the U.S. economy.

Indeed, in the new environment of higher rates and tighter terms on mortgages, we may see other negative impacts on consumer spending. The reduced availability of high loan-to-value ratio and piggyback loans may drive some would-be homeowners to pull back on consumption in order to save for a sizable down payment. In addition, credit-constrained consumers with adjustable-rate mortgages seem likely to curtail spending, as interest rates reset at higher levels and they find themselves with less disposable income.

Another engine of growth that could be a little weaker going forward due to the ongoing turmoil is foreign economic activity. Foreign real GDP—weighted by U.S. export shares—advanced at robust rates of 3¾ to 4 percent in 2004 and through the first quarter of this year. This growth was widespread, affecting nearly every continent. With the trade-weighted dollar falling over this same period, U.S. exports have been strong—real exports increased by an average of nearly 8 percent during 2004 through 2006. Partly for this reason, U.S. net exports, which consistently held growth down from 2000 to 2005, actually gave it a lift during 2006. Before the recent global financial turmoil, I had assumed a modest deceleration in world economic activity, which meant that net exports were likely to “turn neutral”—neither retarding nor stimulating growth in the year or so ahead. At this point, it’s still very difficult to gauge the likelihood of this “neutral” scenario, but it does seem safe to say that these developments add some downside risks to it.

To sum up the story on the outlook for aggregate demand, I see downward pressure based on recent data indicating further weakening in the housing sector and the tightening of financial markets. As I have indicated, a big issue is whether developments in the relatively small housing sector will spread to the large consumption sector, perhaps through declines in house prices. Should the decline in house prices occur in the context of rising unemployment, the risks could be significant.

Turning to inflation, signs of improvement in underlying inflationary pressures are evident in recent data. Over the past twelve months, the price index for personal consumption expenditures excluding food and energy, or the core PCE price index, has increased by 1.8 percent. Just several months ago, the twelve-month change was quite a bit higher, at nearly 2½ percent. It wouldn’t surprise me if core PCE price inflation edged down a little bit more over the next few years. This view is predicated on continued well-anchored inflation expectations. It also assumes the emergence of some slack in the labor market, as well as the ebbing of the upward effects of movements in energy and commodity prices. However, we do still face some inflation risks, mainly due to faster increases in unit labor costs and the depreciation of the dollar, and these will need to be watched carefully.

With that view of recent financial developments and the outlook for the U.S. economy, I’d like to turn to monetary policy. On September 18, the FOMC reduced the federal funds rate target by 50 basis points. In the accompanying press release, the Committee noted that the financial shock has the potential to intensify the housing correction and to restrain economic growth more generally. The action at the September meeting was meant to help “forestall” some of the potential fallout to the economy from the disruptions in financial markets and to promote moderate growth over time.

The Committee’s decision reflected a forward-looking and preemptive approach to policy. The policy move was not primarily a reaction to data in hand at the time of the meeting. Under the circumstances, available information on spending and output mainly reflected conditions before the financial disruptions began and was therefore less informative than under normal conditions about the appropriate stance of policy.

I believe that it was important to put a substantial easing in place in September so as not to fall “behind the curve.” Given the long lags between policy actions and their impact on the economy, and the possibility that economic downturns can be difficult to reverse once they take hold, a more gradual and reactive approach would have created unnecessary economic risks. That said, it is inherently difficult to assess the stance of policy that is needed to ensure that the economy would grow at a moderate pace given uncertainties about financial developments and their impact on the economy.

I view the Committee’s decision as reflecting a sensible balance in striving to achieve our twin goals—maximum sustainable employment and low inflation. The Committee noted in its statement that “some inflation risks remain.” I nevertheless considered the larger-than-usual cut in the funds rate prudent because of two features of the current environment. First, the stance of monetary policy before the September meeting was probably a bit on the restrictive side, at least according to many estimates of the so-called “neutral” or “equilibrium” federal funds rate. In fact, the stance of policy was growing more restrictive as core inflation gradually trended down. Second, with the economy operating near potential and inflation well contained, a case could have been made that the funds rate would need to move down toward a neutral stance, even if there had not been a financial shock.

Finally, I’d like to emphasize what I hope my talk has already made clear—that these are uncertain times. Any forecast and any analysis of events should be made with a great deal of humility about its correctness. And that’s why I am keeping an open mind about prospects for the future and why the Committee stressed, to quote from the statement, that it: “will continue to assess the effects of these and other developments on economic prospects and will act as needed to foster price stability and sustainable economic growth.”

I’d be pleased to take any questions.

1. I would like to thank San Francisco Fed staff members John Judd and Judith Goff for excellent assistance in the preparation of these remarks.

[관련키워드]

[뉴스핌 베스트 기사]

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경기도, 재정 '비상 상황' [수원=뉴스핌] 박승봉 기자 = 추미애 경기도지사가 5일 경기도의 재정 여건에 대해 공식적으로 '비상 상황'을 선언하고 강도 높은 세출 구조조정과 세입 구조 개선을 골자로 한 비상조치 추친 방안을 제시했다고 밝혔다. 추미애 경기도지사가 5일 경기도의 재정 여건에 대해 공식적으로 '비상 상황'을 선언하고 강도 높은 세출 구조조정과 세입 구조 개선을 골자로 한 비상조치 방안을 발표했다. [사진=경기도] 추 지사는 이날 경기도청 브리핑룸에서 기자회견을 열고 "경기도는 지금 새로운 공약사업을 추진하기는커녕 이미 진행 중인 민생 사업조차 온전히 유지하기 어려운 지경에 이르렀다"며 "지금 결단하지 않으면 2~3년 뒤 채무를 갚기 위해 또다시 지방채를 발행하는 악순환에 빠질 수 있어 '경기도 재정 비상 상황'을 선언한다"고 밝혔다. 도에 따르면 민선 8기 당시 경기도는 재정 부족을 이유로 노인장기요양, 소아응급 책임의료기관 육성, 유·초·중·고교 급식비, 시내버스 공공관리제 등 상당수 주요 민생·필수 사업의 올해 예산을 12개월분이 아닌 9개월분만 편성한 것으로 나타났다. 이에 따라 올해에만 약 7700억 원 규모의 감액추경이 필요한 실정이다. 경기도는 지난해 한도액의 99.6%에 달하는 9430억 원 상당의 지방채를 20년 만에 발행한 데 이어 통합재정안정화기금 조례를 개정해 남북협력기금 등 각종 기금 재원 5588억 원을 일반회계로 예탁·끌어다 쓰며 위기를 버텨왔다. 그러나 도 전체 예산 약 41조 7000억 원 중 도가 자체 활용할 수 있는 재원은 3조 5000억 원에 불과한 데다 세원의 절반 이상을 차지하는 취득세 수입이 2022년 11조 원에서 올해 8조 원 수준으로 급감했다. 아울러 3기 신도시 개발 세수 효과 감소, 반도체 등 인프라 투자 대비 법인지방소득세의 시·군 귀속 구조, 전체 예산의 49%에 달하는 복지 예산 증대 등이 맞물리며 구조적 재정 위기가 심화했다. 추 지사는 구조적 재정 위기 극복을 위해 ▲도지사 및 고위공직자 업무경비 감액 등 강도 높은 세출 구조조정 ▲일회성·선심성 행사 및 불요불급한 사업 전면 중단▲참모조직 및 공공기관 인력 효율적 재배치 ▲지방소비세 확충 및 국고보조사업 지방비 부담 개선 등 세입구조 정상화를 위한 4대 방안을 제시했다. 추미애 경기도지사가 5일 경기도의 재정 여건에 대해 공식적으로 '비상 상황'을 선언하고 강도 높은 세출 구조조정과 세입 구조 개선을 골자로 한 비상조치 방안을 발표했다. [사진=경기도] 다만 도민의 생명과 안전, 취약계층 보호를 위한 핵심 민생 예산은 끝까지 지켜내겠다고 약속했다. 추미애 지사는 "재정위기의 고통을 사회적 약자와 서민의 삶에 떠넘기지 않고 불필요한 지출부터 선제적으로 줄여나가겠다"며 "지금의 어려움을 다음 세대의 빚으로 넘기지 않고 경기도의 미래를 위한 전환점으로 만들기 위해 도의회 및 31개 시·군과 적극 협력하겠다"고 강조했다. 1141world@newspim.com 2026-08-05 11:21
사진
프로야구 전 경기 폭염 취소 [서울=뉴스핌] 남정훈 기자 = 극한 폭염이 프로야구까지 멈춰 세웠다. 경기장 곳곳에서 온열질환 의심 환자가 발생하고 관중이 의식을 잃고 쓰러지는 응급 상황까지 벌어지자 한국야구위원회(KBO)가 결국 리그를 일시 중단하고 긴급 대책 마련에 나섰다. KBO는 5일과 6일 예정됐던 2026 신한 SOL KBO리그 1군 전 경기와 퓨처스리그 전 경기를 모두 취소한다고 발표했다. 취소된 경기는 잠실(NC-두산), 인천(LG-SSG), 대구(한화-삼성), 부산(키움-롯데), 광주(KT-KIA)에서 열릴 예정이던 5경기다. [서울=뉴스핌] 폭염 속 응원을 하고 있는 삼성 팬들. [사진 = 삼성 라이온즈] 2026.08.05 wcn05002@newspim.com KBO는 "최근 전국적인 폭염으로 관람객과 선수단의 안전을 위협하는 상황이 발생하고 있어 이를 엄중하게 인식하고 있다"라며 "6일 긴급 실행위원회를 열어 폭염 관련 리그 운영 방침과 안전 대책을 원점에서 논의할 예정"이라고 밝혔다. 이번 회의에는 KBO 사무국을 비롯해 10개 구단 단장과 한국프로야구선수협회 관계자들이 참석해 폭염 상황에서의 경기 운영 기준과 안전 대책을 전면 재검토할 계획이다. 당초 KBO는 전날 폭염 단계별 경기 운영 세칙을 새롭게 발표했다. 폭염주의보가 발효되면 경기를 정상 개최하고, 폭염경보가 내려질 경우 홈 구단 의견을 반영해 경기 시작 시간을 최대 1시간까지 늦출 수 있도록 했다. 또한 기상청이 올해 신설한 최고 단계인 '폭염중대경보'가 발효되면 경기 당일 오후 1시 이전 취소를 결정할 수 있도록 했다. 폭염중대경보는 하루 최고 체감온도 38도 이상 또는 최고기온 39도 이상이 예상될 때 발효된다. 이에 따라 전날 잠실 NC-두산전과 광주 KT-KIA전이 해당 기준이 적용된 첫 사례로 취소됐다. [인천=뉴스핌] 유다연 기자= 4일 인천 SSG랜더스필드에서 열린 SSG와 LG 경기 8회를 마친 후 한 관객이 온열질환으로 쓰러졌다. 해당 관객을 이송하기 위해 대기 중인 구급차의 모습. 2026.08.05 willowdy@newspim.com 그러나 다른 경기장에서는 더 심각한 상황이 발생했다. 인천 SSG랜더스필드에서 열린 LG와 SSG 경기에서는 총 25명의 관중이 온열질환 의심 증세를 호소하며 현장 치료를 받았다. 이 가운데 2명은 의식 저하 등 중증 증상을 보여 구급차로 병원에 이송됐다. 8회말에는 25세 남성 관중이 계단에서 의식을 잃고 쓰러져 경기가 약 9분간 중단됐고, 경기 종료 직전에도 26세 남성 관중이 응원석에서 쓰러지는 응급 상황이 발생했다. 다행히 두 번째 환자는 현장 안전요원의 응급조치 후 의식을 회복한 것으로 전해졌다. 경기장 안팎에서 온열질환 환자가 잇따라 발생하자 KBO는 기존 운영 방침만으로는 안전을 담보하기 어렵다고 판단했고, 결국 5일과 6일 예정된 1군과 퓨처스리그 전 경기를 모두 취소하는 초유의 결정을 내렸다. 이로써 올 시즌 폭염으로 취소된 KBO리그 경기는 15경기로 늘었고, 우천 등을 포함한 전체 취소 경기는 40경기가 됐다. wcn05002@newspim.com 2026-08-05 13:32
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