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[해외] 잭 귄 애틀랜타 연준 총재, "연준 40년사 회고" 주제연설 전문(원문)

기사입력 : 2006년08월23일 09:01

최종수정 : 2006년08월23일 09:01

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Reflections on Four Decades in Central BankingJack GuynnPresident and Chief Executive OfficerFederal Reserve Bank of AtlantaKiwanis Club of AtlantaLoudermilk CenterAtlanta, Ga.August 22, 2006Thank you for the nice introduction. But let me say that it feels strange to hear you describe my upcoming retirement. I guess I’m still coping with the reality that my 42-year tenure at the Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta is about to end.When I graduated from Virginia Tech back in the mid 1960s, I surprised my family and friends by taking a job with the Atlanta Fed. Before I left, some of my classmates responded with a gag gift: a green eyeshade, like one of those visors tellers used to wear in old movies like “It’s a Wonderful Life.”Many of my college friends were going into more glamorous fields such as aerospace or computer design. And in their minds, I was condemned to life in a stodgy, backwater industry. In that era it was thought you would choose one place to work and stay for your entire career.But, as it turned out, the financial services industry and the U.S. economy went through a revolution. Technology, competition, and a growing demand for information were catalysts for dramatic change. Certainly, this transformation made my career more interesting, and I expect even more change ahead.So, you might ask, “What’s the big deal?” Well, I believe that banking’s shift from a low-tech field without competition into a dynamic industry had a profound impact on our personal and business lives and is a major part of our nation’s economic success. In describing these changes today, I’d also like to point to some potential concerns for the next generation of policymakers.Changing how money is usedLet me begin by talking briefly about what bankers call their “back office operations”—the payment systems that most people take for granted. In the 1960s, if you peeked inside the Fed or most commercial banks, you would have seen endless bundles of checks and cash being counted and sorted by hand. As you can imagine, the process was inefficient.Often, it took three to five days or longer for a check to clear. During the high interest rate 1970s, folks would use this lag to their advantage through a practice we called “remote disbursement.”For instance, oil companies were notorious for writing big checks to pay for Gulf of Mexico oilfield leases, and they used checks drawn on small banks in remote places such as North Dakota. With interest rates at 15 percent, each day’s delay in payment for a $50 million check was worth about $20,000. So receivers of these large checks sometimes would buy a plane ticket for a courier to physically take the piece of paper across the country to speed collection.As more powerful technology became available we got busy and worked to improve the process. Not long after I started at the Fed, we realized that one computer-driven check sorter could do the work of 40 or 50 manual processors. Automated check processing became a classic application for emerging computer technology. Also, instead of relying solely on trucks, the Fed began to charter airplanes to carry checks long distances overnight.Computers that made check processing more efficient also enabled new electronic payment systems such as the automated clearinghouse, which facilitates transactions like direct deposit of payroll checks. During that period, credit cards also became more popular. With new methods of payment, the whiz kids of the banking industry began to think that a checkless—even a cashless—society was imminent.But it was not to be—at least not then. By speeding the collection of paper checks, the Fed may have delayed conversion to electronics. Also, regulations allowed banks to demand presentment of a paper check for payment, which also discouraged change. So many banks and their customers did not enthusiastically embrace new technology. In 2000 Americans were still writing 42 billion checks. And with the proliferation of automated teller machines, banks continued to circulate more—not less—cash.Finally, a few years ago, the volume of check payments began to decline about 4 percent per year—while electronic payments volume started to increase at double-digit rates. This transition continues as debit cards become more popular and businesses convert more and more check payments to electronic entries at the point of sale. You may have seen some of those new types of electronic conversions on your own bank statement.Looking ahead, I believe there will always be a market for cash and checks. But today’s kids who are now growing up on video games no doubt will prefer the convenience and speed of electronic payments. As money changes hands in new and faster ways, we face an evolving risk of fraud and identity theft. So consumers must be vigilant in managing their accounts. And financial institutions must ensure that their payment systems operate on a solid foundation of trust, which is at the heart of a strong financial system.The challenge of competition in bankingTechnology has changed not only payment, but also the whole financial system and U.S. economy. Just think of the impact of the Internet and the advance of cellular and digital communications. This recent progress has helped businesses to work more efficiently and allowed emerging economies around the world to develop more quickly than we ever imagined. Globalization, by the way, has lessened the cost of many imported goods and boosted demand for U.S.-produced goods and services.Along with technology, banking also has been transformed by competition. When I joined the Fed in the 1960s, banks were subject to rigid controls imposed by the states and Congress during the Great Depression. The idea was to maintain financial stability by restricting competition—both geographically and along product lines.There were strict limits on the interest banks could pay on savings deposits, and banks could not pay interest on transaction accounts. These restrictions were thought to prevent ruinous interest rate competition. The task of managing a bank balance sheet was largely a matter of following supervisory guidelines—green eye shade kind of work.Most states limited banks’ ability to branch outside their home county. And in some places branching was entirely prohibited. With near monopoly power in their respective neighborhoods, banks had little incentive to grow or innovate. Hence, the cliché about bankers’ hours of 3-6-3—take in money from savings accounts at 3 percent, lend it out at 6 percent, and hit the golf course by 3 o’clock.In the 1980s, with high and rising inflation, the old regulatory framework began to unravel. Investment banks posed an early threat to the banking deposit franchise with the introduction of money market accounts, which some of you may remember.To compete, banks issued large denomination certificates of deposit, which were not subject to interest rate ceilings, thus significantly increasing their costs. As restrictions on interest payments were lifted, more and more banks and thrifts got into trouble. We all remember the crisis in the savings and loan industry, which resulted in a bailout that was estimated to cost $175 billion.The most difficult year in banking was 1988 when more than 200 banks failed. Earlier in that decade, I led our bank’s supervision function. I remember setting up what we called “the war room” at the Atlanta Fed. This was a place to deal with the complex closure of a family of banks in Tennessee. In the final days of that crisis, we worked around the clock to find a buyer for the largest of these banks—unsuccessfully, it turned out. We ended up just closing the bank and hoping this failure wouldn’t lead to an old-fashioned bank panic.The number of bank failures declined in the 1990s and has stayed low. Meanwhile, Congress continued to reform the regulatory framework. In turn, we saw the rise of well-capitalized megabanks leveraging technology to cut costs and offering diverse and sometimes complex new products in competition with investment banks and insurance companies. Now, it’s often hard to tell the difference between banks and nonbanks.This competitive fray directly benefits today’s consumers and businesses, who enjoy lower-cost financial services, more choices and better access to capital. The growth of mutual funds has led to the rise of a new class of investors. Computers unleashed powerful innovations in credit scoring, and, with those new systems, some borrowers can qualify for a loan in minutes, if not seconds. Innovations in credit analysis and market segmentation have helped millions of Americans become homeowners.If you want to buy a car, you can still get an old-fashioned two-year loan, but today you can also choose to make payments over eight or even 10 years. Along with traditional fixed-rate mortgages, we now have adjustable rate mortgages, interest-only mortgages, reverse amortization mortgages, and more. And in today’s financial supermarket, we also can find home equity loans, mutual funds, hedge funds and countless other ways to borrow or invest. With advances in information technology and mathematical modeling, today’s financial markets are better than ever at allocating risk to those with the greatest appetite for it.Is all of this competition a good thing? All in all, I’d say the answer is yes. However, sometimes I fret about some of the implications of our global connectedness and the sheer size of some financial institutions and their new products. And I worry that some homeowners don’t really understand their new and not-yet-fully-tested mortgages.Overall, however, I believe our economy is much stronger and more resilient today because of the creative adjustments our financial sector has made in response to the sometimes painful challenges of competition.The economy in transitionWhat are the lessons of technology, innovation and competition for our economy? During the mid-1960s, one-third of the jobs in the United States were in manufacturing, and during the decades after World War II, there was not much global competition. Now, only one in nine U.S. jobs is in manufacturing, and most of the new factory jobs require technical skills. The fastest growing fields—financial services included—depend on knowledge, not physical labor.We’ve all heard the sometimes bitter debate on outsourcing and immigration. However, our ports and logistics facilities overflow with low-cost goods from overseas. Imports and exports—added up—are now equivalent to about one-fourth of gross domestic product. That figure 40 years ago was about 10 percent. Today’s economy is truly global.We’re all aware of our current preoccupation with lost jobs to other parts of the world, both in manufacturing and the services sector. But looking at the data, you’ll see three important facts. First, the majority of jobs lost involve relatively low-skilled, low-productivity work in fields like apparel production and call centers. Second, with respect to manufacturing, while it’s true there are fewer factory jobs as a proportion of total U.S. employment, the U.S. share of the value of world manufacturing output has remained stable, reflecting increases in worker productivity. Third, while it’s true that certain service-oriented jobs have moved to other countries, we still export more services to the rest of the world than we import from others.What’s the bottom line of these changes in our economy? The march of globalization is relentless, and businesses will have to keep spending more on technology to improve productivity. Technology allows consumers and businesses to compare prices from vendors around the world and find new and less expensive sources. And innovations in supply-chain management reduce the inventory swings that used to be commonplace in our economy, helping to dampen the contribution of inventory adjustments to economic cycles.Painful lessons in monetary policyGood economic outcomes depend on good monetary policy, where I’ve spent the past 10 years of my career. Recent experience in this area offers several other lessons.In the 1960s, economic growth was strong in part because of the fiscal stimulus of tax cuts and increased military and social spending. The Fed’s policy of leaning against inflationary pressures attracted little attention. But in the 1970s, policymakers tried to insulate the economy from relative price movements in one important commodity—oil. The big mistake in this policy was the failure to recognize that controlling inflation was a necessary first requirement for sustaining long-term growth.After the 1970s oil price shocks, it became fashionable to embrace the false notion that one could improve economic outcomes by trading a bit of inflation for growth. As we should now know, a bit of inflation can get out of hand quickly, especially when consumers and businesses expect more price increases, waste time and effort trying to beat inflation, and then rush to spend more money in a vicious inflationary cycle. The consequences of high inflation were and remain economically poisonous: increased uncertainty and risk, the added incentive to consume instead of invest, cost of living adjustments, and other marketplace distortions.During the early 1980s, Fed Chairman Paul Volcker and his Fed colleagues broke the back of high inflation by raising interest rates well into double digits. The costs were huge—both in economic and human terms. The U.S. economy endured two painful recessions. And along with the run-up in bank failures that I just mentioned, entire industries such as homebuilding collapsed. Because of our tough policy, the Fed was suddenly thrust into the public limelight.By 1996, when I became Atlanta Fed president and part of the Fed policymaking group, inflation expectations were, once again, under control. About that time, the federal budget deficits were reined in. With the fortuitous convergence of low inflation and rapid growth, we enjoyed the longest economic expansion in U.S. history. In hindsight, I may have been naïve, but I thought that Americans had truly learned the value of responsible fiscal and monetary policy working in tandem to foster economic growth for the long-term.The last decade, under the leadership of former Fed Chairman Alan Greenspan, also brought about major changes in how the Federal Reserve communicates our monetary policy actions and thinking. This transparency was and still is consistent with greater public scrutiny of the Fed and parallels the increase of financial information in the private sector that is central to today’s market-based approach to regulation.As amazing as it may sound today, until 1994, there was no announcement about the direction of monetary policy—not even after Federal Open Market Committee meetings. Market participants had to divine whether or not rates had changed by looking at conditions in money markets. This “quiet” (or silent) approach to communications gave rise to a cottage industry of “Fed watchers” who were devoted to interpreting our policy actions and likely policy direction.Now, after each FOMC meeting, we not only announce our action but also provide brief comments on the economy and potential risks to the outlook. For the last three years, we have even tried to signal the likely path of policy—in my view, an approach that’s worked well during this particular period.Our new Fed Chairman, Ben Bernanke, has talked about the need to make our policy goals even clearer. Minutes of our recent FOMC meetings indicate that the Fed is studying and debating the limits to what we should say about the outlook and possible future policy actions. My Fed colleagues and I have found that market reactions to our Fed comments can be surprising. And, in an environment of seemingly endless data reports, it’s sometimes hard in the short run to distinguish meaningful economic signals from noise.This thinking about transparency will evolve. And I expect the Fed will keep trying new and different ways to communicate important views and actions, including perhaps establishing targets for acceptable levels of inflation. Clearly, more central bank communications are helpful, but there is ample room to debate how to reflect the range of views and uncertainties that are inherent in the policymaking process.An interconnected worldWhile I’ve tried to make the case that our financial system and economy have gone through revolutionary changes in the past 40 years, I want to leave you with the notion that things will keep getting more complex and more interesting.From a payments perspective, our vision of an efficient, predominately electronic system is in sight. There will be fewer and bigger banks, and competition will keep altering our financial marketplace. We will all face more potential risks and rewards as the selection of financial products continues to multiply.Our financial system and our economy will continue to become more interconnected. Every moment of every day, vast sums of money zip around the world. Nine years ago a financial panic in Asia quickly led to financial market repercussions around the world. And with the emergence of China and India and increasing U.S. indebtedness, the global flow of funds will continue to grow, and our economy will depend more and more on events and decisions that occur outside our national borders.Monetary policymakers must continue to account for all of these changes and others we can’t envision as technology advances and shocks occur. We’ve been reminded over and over how adaptable and resilient our U.S. financial system and economy are, and no doubt we’ll be tested again. I’m leaving the FOMC confident in the Fed’s commitment to keep inflation at bay. I’m sure future policymakers will remember the lessons we learned in the past 40 years about what happens when you start down the slippery slope of trading inflation for growth.I wish my college buddies who gave me the green eye shade were here with us today. Contrary to what they might have expected, my experience as a central banker has been fascinating and, at times, downright exciting.For a long time, I’ve enjoyed an up close and personal view on banking and the economy, and pretty soon I’ll be watching from the bleachers. Looking ahead to the next four decades, I think we all have good reason to expect our financial system and our economy will remain strong and continue to be the envy of the rest of the world.

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추경호 체포동의안 본회의 통과 [서울=뉴스핌] 이바름 기자 = 12.3 비상계엄 당시 국민의힘 의원들의 계엄해제 표결을 방해한 의혹을 받는 추경호 국민의힘 의원에 대한 체포동의안이 27일 여당 주도로 국회 본회의를 통과했다. 국회는 이날 본회의를 열고 '국회의원(추경호) 체포동의안'을 상정해 표결을 진행했다. 투표 결과 재석 180인 가운데 찬성 172표, 반대 4표, 기권 2표, 무 2표로 가결됐다. 불체포특권이 있는 현역 국회의원에 대한 체포동의안은 재적 의원 과반 출석에 출석 의원 과반 찬성이 가결 조건이다. [서울=뉴스핌] 윤창빈 기자 = 추경호 국민의힘 의원이 27일 서울 여의도 국회에서 열린 본회의에서 본인의 체포동의안에 대한 신상발언을 마치고 나서며 동료 의원들의 격려를 받고 있다. 2025.11.27 pangbin@newspim.com 국민의힘 의원들은 표결에 반발하며 표결에 참여하지 않고 본회의장에서 퇴장했다. 이들은 로텐더홀에서 정부여당 및 특검 규탄대회를 벌였다. 신동욱 국민의힘 최고위원은 규탄대회에서 "우리가 추경호"라며 "반드시 싸워서 심판해야 한다"고 말했다. 추 의원은 지난해 12월3일 윤석열 전 대통령이 비상계엄을 선포했을 당시 국민의힘 원내대표로서 의원총회 장소를 국회와 당사 등으로 여러 차례 바꿔 국민의힘 의원들의 계엄해제 표결 참여를 방해했다는 의혹을 받고 있다. 내란 특별검사(조은석 특검팀)은 지난 3일 추 의원에 대해 내란중요임무종사 혐의로 구속영장을 청구했다. 법무부는 이틀 뒤인 5일 국회에 체포동의요청서를 제출했으며, 13일 국회 본회의에 보고됐다. 국회가 동의함에 따라 법원은 조만간 추 의원에 대한 구속 전 피의자 심문(영장실질심사)을 실시한다. 결과에 따라 추 의원의 구속 여부가 결정된다. 추 의원은 투표 전 신상발언 기회를 얻어 특검 수사는 정치탄압이라고 주장했다. 추 의원은 "특검은 제가 언제 누구와 계엄에 공모, 가담했는지 어떠한 증거도 제시하지 못하면서 영장을 창작했다"며 "특검은 계엄 공모를 입증하지도, 표결을 방해받았다는 의원을 특정하지도 못했다"고 강조했다. right@newspim.com 2025-11-27 15:41
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영국계 단타, 11월에만 5조 팔았다 [서울=뉴스핌] 이나영 기자= 연중 고점을 기록한 코스피가 11월 들어 조정을 받는 가운데, 외국인 매도세를 주도한 주체는 영국계 자금으로 나타났다. 9~10월 단기 매수세로 코스피를 4000선 위로 끌어올렸던 영국계 투자자들은 이달 들어 약 5조원 규모의 주식을 순매도하며 수급 전환의 중심에 섰다. 금융감독원과 한국거래소 자료를 종합하면, 영국계 자금은 상반기까지는 관망세를 보이다가 9월부터 순매수로 전환해 지수 급등을 견인했다. 그러나 11월 들어 매도세로 돌아서며 단기간에 코스피를 다시 4000선 아래로 밀어냈다. 전문가들은 이를 투자 이탈보다는 업종 재배치·수익 실현·헤지 전략 등 다층적 조정 흐름으로 해석하고 있다. ◆ 영국계, 활발한 거래에도 낮은 보유 비중…'단타 성향' 뚜렷 27일 한국거래소에 따르면, 영국계 투자자는 이달 1일부터 24일까지 코스피와 코스닥 시장에서 총 4조9900억원을 순매도했다. 같은 기간 외국인 전체 순매도 금액은 13조5328억원으로, 영국계 자금이 차지하는 비중은 36.9%에 달한다. 이는 지난 10월 영국계가 2조4000억원을 순매수하며 전체 외국인 순매수(4조2050억원)의 절반 이상을 견인했던 흐름과는 대조적이다. 영국계 자금은 올해 외국인 매매에서 가장 활발한 움직임을 보였다. 지난 1~8월 유가증권시장에서 영국계 투자자는 총 557조원 규모(매수 273조9270억원, 매도 283조730억원)를 거래하며 외국인 전체 거래액의 44.7%를 차지했다. 국적별 기준으로는 거래 비중 1위였지만, 보유 비중은 10%대 초반에 머무는 등 높은 회전율이 특징적이다. 이는 중·단기 차익 실현에 집중하는 유동적 자금 특성을 드러낸다는 분석이다. 실제 영국계 자금은 9월 2조2000억원, 10월 2조4000억원 등 두 달간 총 4조6000억원어치를 순매수하며 국내 증시 랠리를 이끌었다. 이 기간 외국인 전체 순매수의 상당 부분을 담당했고, 코스피는 9월 말 3424포인트에서 10월 말 4107포인트까지 약 20% 급등했다. 이후 이달 3일에는 장중 사상 최고치인 4221.87포인트를 기록했다. 당시 외국인의 현·선물 동반 매수가 지수 상승을 뒷받침했고, 거래 비중에서도 영국계 영향력은 두드러졌다. 하지만 11월 들어 매도세로 돌아서면서 코스피는 한 달 새 300포인트 넘게 밀리며, 전날(26일) 기준 3960.87로 마감했다. ◆ 수익 실현 흐름 속 업종·자산군 재배치 뚜렷…"ETF 투자도 변화 감지" 코스피 4000선을 끌어올렸던 외국인 수급이 11월 들어 주춤하면서, 이번 수급 전환의 배경에는 반도체 중심의 차익 실현과 업종 간 포트폴리오 조정이 복합적으로 작용한 것으로 풀이된다. 실제로 외국인 자금은 특정 업종에서 수익을 실현한 뒤, 해외 자산이나 새로운 산업군으로 비중을 재조정하는 흐름을 보였다. 이 같은 변화는 상장지수펀드(ETF) 매매에서도 뚜렷하게 나타났다. 코스콤 ETF체크에 따르면 최근 일주일간 외국인이 가장 많이 순매수한 상품은 'KODEX 레버리지'(93억8000만원)였고, 이어 'TIGER 미국필라델피아반도체나스닥'(64억2000만원), 'TIGER 차이나항셍테크'(64억원), 'TIGER 차이나전기차SOLACTIVE'(55억200만원) 등이 뒤를 이었다. 순매수 상위 10개 ETF 중 절반이 중국 테크 및 미국 증시 관련 상품으로 구성돼 외국인 자금의 관심이 해외 주요 지수로 이동한 모습이다. 반면 외국인은 국내 주식형 ETF를 중심으로 대규모 매도에 나섰다. 같은 기간, 'TIGER 2차전지TOP10'(-79억원), 'TIGER200선물레버리지'(-68억원), 'KODEX AI반도체'(-56억9000만원) 등이 외국인 순매도 상위에 올랐으며, 상위 10개 가운데 9개가 국내 ETF였다. 개별 종목에서도 자금 재배치 흐름 뚜렷하게 나타났다. 이달 1~25일 외국인 순매도 상위 종목에는 SK하이닉스, 삼성전자, 두산에너빌리티, KB금융, NAVER, 한화오션 등이 포함됐다. 반면 셀트리온, 이수페타시스, LG 씨엔에스, SK바이오팜 등이 외국인 순매수 상위권을 차지했다. 전통 반도체주에서 인프라, 바이오, AI 관련 종목으로 수급이 분산되는 모습이다. 시장에서는 이 같은 움직임을 외국인 자금의 '이탈'이라기보다는 전략적 '재편'으로 해석하고 있다. 현물 매도를 통해 일부 비중을 축소하는 동시에, 선물·옵션을 활용한 헤지 전략이나 국채 등 대체 자산으로의 분산 투자가 병행되고 있다는 분석이다.  전문가들은 이러한 흐름이 외국인 자금의 유출보다는 포트폴리오 조정 과정의 일환으로 볼 수 있다고 보고 있다. 김석환 미래에셋증권 연구원은 "반도체 업종의 내년 이익 전망치가 빠르게 상향되고 있어 외국인 수급이 재개될 여지가 충분하다"며 "외국인 유입에 기반한 증시 상승 기대는 여전히 유효하다"고 분석했다. 이상현 메리츠증권 센터장은 "코스피 4000 돌파는 단기 유동성이 아니라 기업 실적이 만들어낸 구조적 상승이었다"며 "현재 조정은 큰 흐름이 끝났다는 신호가 아니라 다음 단계 상승을 위한 숨 고르기 성격이 강하다"고 강조했다.    nylee54@newspim.com 2025-11-27 08:20
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